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Title: Chinese vs. Negroes as American Citizens
Author: Samuel Raymond Scottron
Release Date: May 27, 2021 [eBook #65455]
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHINESE VS. NEGROES AS AMERICAN CITIZENS ***
CHINESE vs. NEGROES
.... AS ....
American Citizens.
MR. SCOTTRON’S VIEWS
On the Advantages of the Proposed Negro Colonization
in South America.
AN INTERESTING DISCUSSION.
Says Negro Possesses Qualities That Render People Readily
Assimilable Into the Body Politic.
The following letter and paper by S. R.
Scottron, a member of the School Board and
one of the best known and most highly esteemed
Afro-Americans in Brooklyn, will be
of interest at this time:
To the Editor of the Brooklyn Eagle:
The article published in the Eagle Sunday
last, “Talks of Tropical Colonization,” with
Mr. Alleyne Ireland, is certainly very interesting
reading, bearing upon a subject that
must engage the attention of thoughtful
Americans. Mr. Ireland, however, seems to
have assumed that the government will be
obliged to continue the employment of Asiatic
races in the development of the newly acquired
territory in the Pacific. Taken in connection
with what appears in to-night’s
Eagle, wherein appears an account of an interview
with Senator M. C. Butler, recommending
that the negroes of the United
States be colonized in South America, these
articles seem to warrant my offering to the
Eagle an article prepared before the publication
of the aforementioned interviews, bearing
upon the same subject, and offering what
I may be permitted to assume a better solution
of the subject of colonization, since it
will serve a double purpose, covering the suggestions
of both distinguished gentlemen.
S. R. SCOTTRON.
Brooklyn, N. Y., 598 Monroe street, September
19, 1899.
Newly Acquired Territory Presents a
New Problem to the American People.
“The rather unusual activity of lawless persons
throughout the country of late, especially
the lynching element, has started anew a
flood of opinions and discussion of what is
termed the ‘negro problem.’ As of yore, diverse
opinions, sometimes diametrically opposite,
are expressed. There is one striking
likeness in all, however, and that is, the evident
belief of the writers that each has discovered
the panacea for the great negro ‘affliction.’
The virtues and vices of the negro
are discussed at length, all seeming to
forget that there is nothing especially remarkable
in negro humanity differing from the
balance of mankind under the same circumstances.
He is ignorant, dirty, vicious and
lazy, or, intelligent, clean, peaceful and thrifty
under precisely the same circumstances that
affect the balance of mankind.
“I doubt very much whether there is any
such thing as an unsolved ‘negro problem,’
since the negro was granted the same rights
and privileges as others enjoy under the Constitution.
There certainly was a problem before
that, but when the government clothed
the negro with the full rights of freemen the
problem was solved, and there remains now
but to allow the slow process of time to adjust
ourselves to the situation.
“The negro is a citizen of the United
States, invested with the suffrage, guarded by
the most solemn and positive safeguards, and
the nation will never turn back the pages.
And all that now remains, as said, is to adjust
ourselves to these unalterable conditions.
The age of miracles is probably past, certain
it is that this is not an age of miracles; hence,
we do not look for the elevation of a despised
and formerly enslaved race to the full plane
of its surroundings in a day, nor in any
time short of that usually required to elevate
mankind generally. The process seems slow
and discouraging except, possibly, to those
who have lived long enough to comprehend
the changes that have been wrought over a
period of many years. Remarkable advancement
has been made by the whole people since
the proclamation of freedom was issued, and
we should be well satisfied that on every hand
progress is reported and manifest.
“Whatever may be the treatment accorded
the negro, he nevertheless, recognizes the fact
that his condition is an improvement upon
the condition which might have been his had
his progenitors remained in the shade of the
Dark Continent. Reckoning over a period of
two hundred and fifty years, he has been much
the gainer and has no disposition to return to
his ancient condition. He has now passed
the problematic stage; there is nothing doubtful,
untried or unsolved in his case. His is
an open book.
Dewey’s Work.
“But a new problem, by the fortune of war,
now confronts the American people. A new
volume was unexpectedly opened on that
Sunday morning when Dewey passed the
gates at Cavite, and its pages have become
the more perplexing as the glory of that day
fades in the distance. The negro welcomed
the day when the American people gave evidence
of the fact that they recognized that
the negro problem had been solved, and other
subjects occupied their minds. When free
trade vs. protection, honest money vs. free
silver, became the chief topics of discussion,
it was an assurance to the negro of the end
of a long drawn out discussion, which had
served to keep him upon the surface of a
troubled sea. The hour has come when he
may sit somewhat complacently in his own
secure place in the nation and discuss the
desirability of admitting other races to the
full enjoyment of American citizenship, and
it is to be hoped that his own experience
will tend to clarify the atmosphere surrounding
him and enable him to deal justly by and
be merciful to others, situated in many respects
in a position which was once his own.
“The question now before us is how
best to serve the nation’s interests in the disposition
of or employment of the negro? I
believe I can best illustrate the question by
instituting a comparison between the negro
and the races of men that the fortune of war
has placed under our care.
Chinese Versus Negroes.
“Under the above caption, in 1891, for some
reason which I at this moment do not recall,
the Boston Herald was giving in its editorial
columns considerable attention to the discussion,
‘Chinese vs. Negroes.’ Several articles
appeared in it, justifying its opinions, when
occasionally they were disputed by other journals,
foremost among which I noted the Boston
Journal.
“I recall the matter now because the negro
is the recipient of much attention, as before
referred to, and because circumstances confronting
our government at this time render
the subject of extreme importance. Since
then the United States has acquired territory
very largely inhabited by Chinese and other
Asiatic races, and the question becomes important
immediately to the American people
as to what policy shall be pursued in the future
with reference to these races.
“Shall the attempt be made to assimilate
and ingraft these upon our tree, or shall they
be replaced by negroes?
“Were the fears which moved the American
people in the past to exclude Asiatic races
justified, or have we seen a new light? Is
Christian civilization endangered by the presence
of these people? All are potent questions
at this time, requiring sound judgment
and unerring decision; for we are not building
for a day a temporary house, but one
which it is hoped shall endure forever.
“What may have been the questions which
occupied the attention of the American people
in the past in regard to the negro as a fit
subject for assimilation within the body politic,
there can be but little or no good reason
for continuing those discussions now. Since
the negro is already admitted to citizenship,
guarded by constitutional enactment, and,
whatever may be the difference of opinions
as to his mental capacity, as compared with
the Caucasian or Asiatic, there nevertheless
remains the gratifying fact that no one has
attempted to prove that his presence is in the
least threatening to our Christian institutions.
Indeed, it may be said, upon the other hand,
that many thoughtful persons regard the negro’s
presence as a comforting assurance, a
bulwark for the preservation of the faith of
the founders of our government.”
Writing now from memory, not having a
copy of any of the articles referred to as
having appeared in the Boston Herald, I will
briefly outline as best I can their import.
The position taken by the editor was not new,
but one assumed by many able persons in
similar discussion. “The Chinese,” he says,
“are an ancient race, with a civilization antedating
our own; largely progressed in the
arts and sciences; having made many important
discoveries before our own age. While
on the other hand, the negro comes from the
wilds of an unknown continent, a barbarian,
a slave, mean of intellect and of forbidding
mien, with thick lips, black face, flat nose and
woolly hair; who has not in the interval of
time shown the high capacity of the Caucasian
for improvement.
“The fathers of the republic,” he further
says, “while providing an asylum for the oppressed
of other lands, nevertheless were desirous
of attracting hither only the most intelligent
peoples, depending upon these rather
for the perpetuity of republican institutions.”
But, as we have said, the negro has been already
admitted to citizenship, and the question
closed in one of its aspects; so that the
only question remaining for us to consider is,
what I may regard as a corollary to the first
proposition, viz.; negroes having been admitted
to citizenship, shall we not now admit the
Chinese? If the semi-barbarous negro can be
ingrafted upon our body politic, can we not
safely extend to these Asiatic races, having
centuries of civilization behind them, the same
privileges?
Had we not an actual experience with the
two races, covering a period sufficient to
form a safe judgment, we would very likely
jump at a conclusion in answer to the last
question and decide it in the affirmative. Experience,
however, is a safe teacher.
The difference between the Chinese and
negroes is as that between old men, with fixed
ideas, and children. If we have ideas and institutions
to perpetuate and preserve, we shall
entrust and communicate them to children
rather than to those grown old in an opposite
philosophy and experience. The new born
mind is a blank, ready to receive impressions
and to develop largely according to its surroundings.
Early impressions may never be
lost.
The minds of the American negro and the
American Indian, considered as adults, were
the only maiden minds among all those present
in the early days of the colonies and the
formative period of the republic. By maiden
minds I mean blank minds; minds never before
impressed with any phase of civil government;
minds ready to receive new impressions;
ineradicable impressions. The American
negro has never known anything save those
things distinctly American. We may have
various opinions as to the desires of the forefathers
of our republic, and we may differ
on many other points, but it may be very
safely asserted that we will all agree that,
notwithstanding their desire for the preservation
of religious freedom, it was, nevertheless,
their aim and hope, and it is the aim
and hope of their children and grandchildren
to found and perpetuate a government immovably
fixed upon Christian principles and
philosophy. Has it ever occurred to our
friend’s mind that the presence of the negro
is threatening to that central thought? On
the other hand, what of the Chinese?
As we have said, the negro came with his
mind a blank, with no preconceived opinions
as to forms of government, no attachment to
a foreign flag or institutions. No flag, only
the American flag; no home save America.
The faith of the fathers is his faith. Washington,
Lincoln, Jefferson and Grant, his
highest conceptions of human greatness. Concord,
Lexington and Bunker Hill the shrines
of his patriotic pilgrimages. Christ his only
refuge in religion. The Sunday of the forefathers
his holy day, the Fourth of July his
highest patriotic reverence. Christmas and
Eastertide his hours of holy reflection. The
machinations, seditions and conspiracies of
the socialist, communist and anarchist his
greatest aversion.
Religious freedom is the law of the land,
and yet the most superficial observer is aware
that our whole fabric, our whole structure is
builded upon Christian philosophy. It is
stronger than the written law; upon it is
founded the whole law and order of society.
It was the faith of the forefathers and upon
its philosophy and reasoning was and is based
every act, every constitutional engagement,
every personal property and public right.
These institutions could not have been
evolved from minds immersed in centuries of
Buddhism, nor can they ever be more than
dimly perceptible to its children. Has any
one ventured to indict the negro for lack of
sympathy for the Christian faith? Of all the
people possibly the negro lives nearest the
faith of the founders of this government. Of
the 50,000 Chinese settled in the City of San
Francisco for many years, upon how many
has Christianity made the least perceptible
impression? There Buddha and Confucius
still live.
Maltreat the negro as you may, he is
nevertheless American to the core and he will
follow the flag wheresoever it leads, Santiago
and San Juan Hill he will rush upon to the
inspiring strains of “Yankee Doodle” and
“The Star Spangled Banner,” insensible to
every danger.
Socially ostracise the negro, make rules
that bar him from the orders of Masonry, Odd
Fellowship and the many American institutions
and he will immediately turn up possessed
of signs, tokens and passwords of these
orders, fully caparisoned and equipped, bound
to be an American. The curled lips, flat nose
and crispy wool, which were such powerful
arguments against the negro in our Boston
editor’s mind, need not be taken into account
when the flag is endangered or its supremacy
to be upheld. He had shown the quality of
his mind by coming out first in many a college
contest; the deftness of his fingers proven
whenever an opportunity has been given him.
The wage paid him has gone into circulation
again for things distinctively American, his
savings invested in an American home and
not hoarded up to be sent abroad to enrich
other countries.
The doctrines of Spiess, Parsons and Herr
Most have never found lodgment in a negro
breast, and should the day ever come that
Beacon Hill or Murray Hill shall be threatened
by the disciples of anarchy, the sword
of the commonwealth may be placed in the
hands of every negro, without question, for
the salvation of our institutions, pure and
simple, as handed down from the earliest days
of the republic; and it may again be said, as
of old, that “the stone which the builders
rejected had become the chief corner stone of
the temple.”
Indeed, the negro has shown that he possesses
all the qualities that render a people
readily assimilable into the body politic, and
he has shown these qualities under most adverse
circumstances; workshops closed to him,
despised, proscribed socially, absolutely barred
and deprived of all those helps accorded
all other races by the American people, he has
nevertheless risen to the full dignity of a
most trusted and intelligent citizen, only too
eager, possibly, to be found foremost in expressions
and acts of patriotic devotion. So
well has he succeeded that he can afford to
rest his case, feeling assured that the people
will in the end deal justly by him. He has
reached that exalted place of life which
prompts him not to unjustly criticise other
races anxious, like himself, to become a part
of this great nation; nor to make any odious
comparisons unless compelled in his own defense
when unjustly assailed. His home is
wherever the American flag is unfurled and
he will cheerfully give his whole self to the
development of every inch of territory acquired
by his government.
Transcriber’s Notes:
Punctuation and spelling inaccuracies were silently corrected.
Archaic and variable spelling has been preserved.
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